
(Dr. Ian Malcolm) God creates dinosaurs. God destroys dinosaurs. God creates man. Man destroys God. Man creates dinosaurs...
(Dr. Ellie Sattler) Dinosaurs eat man. Woman inherits the earth...

(Dr. Ian Malcolm) God creates dinosaurs. God destroys dinosaurs. God creates man. Man destroys God. Man creates dinosaurs...
(Dr. Ellie Sattler) Dinosaurs eat man. Woman inherits the earth...
South Carolina gubernatorial candidate, Nikki Haley probably had an affair with political blogger, gadfly, and operative Will Folks – who is a one man clearinghouse for Palmetto state rumors. Folksposted this morning that he once had an “inappropriate physical relationship” with the very attractive, and recently-favored Haley. Haley denies it.
I’m told that the affair occurred in 2008 when Folks was working with Haley on her Congressional re-election campaign. Haley was married at the time.
Folks is a former spokesman for Gov. Mark Sanford who left after several personal fights and wild political scandals. (He was a useful source in my profile of Gov. Sanford last year.) His reputation since leaving the governor’s office has only increased. He has become South Carolina’s essential political blogger.
In fact, Folks is like the Anna Wintour of South Carolina politics, generally unknown to the larger public, but within the right circles, revered and feared. He is so plugged-in that most political stories in South Carolina appear on his blog before they make the daily papers. I believe he remains a confidential source of advice and comment for Governor Sanford.
At first, I thought that Folks may be pulling his largest stunt ever. Just knowing his character, I believed that he was parodying the style of “affair disclosures.” Also, there is the timing; the primary will be June 8. But I now believe, after speaking with a few South Carolina sources, that Folks had a lawyer go over these words and that he feels genuinely threatened.
After alleging that there is a conspiracy to take down Haley and himself through a by a thousand political cuts, Folks justifies the disclosure by saying, “I refuse to have someone hold the political equivalent of a switch-blade in front of my face and just sit there and watch as they cut me to pieces.” That sounds like Folks.
In judging the veracity of Folks’ admission, it should be noted that Columbia, South Carolina is one of the most treacherous, gossiping, and self-obsessed political capitals on earth. Everyone there talks, and whispers about an affair between Haley and Folks are nearly a year old at this point. Political consultants were wondering two years ago why Haley’s car was so often seen in front of Folks’ home.
Corey Hutchins, a whip-smart, and well-sourced reporter for the Columbia-based alt-weekly, Free Times, reports that Folks admitted to the affair almost a year ago. If true, this would put to rest the defense that these rumors are only coming out because the primary is in two weeks. The AP, the Free Press and other South Carolina sources have been working on this story for over a month, apparently badgering Folks.
Some have speculated that, despite his prior support and work for Haley, Folks is acting out against her social conservatism and her association with Jenny Sanford, whom Folks has battled with since the early days of Gov. Sanford’s first gubernatorial campaign.
That part is true. Folks isn’t exactly Palinesque on the social issues. He writes on his site: “On social issues, we are primarily libertarians but readily admit that Aaron Sorkin and Annie Savoy have corrupted our good girl, Calvinist upbringings.” But there are good reasons to believe his prior (and continuing) support of her candidacy isn’t fake.
Despite his differences with Jenny (and Mark) Sanford, if the Sanford’s are behind a candidate, Folks probably is too. He is a fiscally conservative, and libertarian leaning the type that is coming out to support Haley all cycle. He has worked with her before. And so it is hard not to take this morning’s admission as anything other than genuine.
If this turns out to be true, and I think it will, the affair will be a black mark not only on Haley’s promising campaign, but on Jenny Sanford who is about to launch a book-tour, and Sarah Palin who seems determined to go to the mat for Haley. Unless I’m mistaken it would also be one of the first great adultery scandals for a female politician in the United States.
Columbia already has the right major tenant to go into the former SCANA Corp. space on Main Street, according to mayor-elect Steve Benjamin: He wants the building to be the new home of the University of South Carolina School of Law.
Benjamin hopes the school could work out a long-term lease with the Palmetto Center, the building that now has about 450,000 vacant square feet in the heart of downtown. A long-term tenant such as the law school should be appealing to the owners, Benjamin said, and would keep the building in private hands and on the tax rolls.
“I want the law school in that building. I really do,” Benjamin said.
If the school were there, it would be surrounded by the offices of many of the state’s biggest law firms and several courts, including the S.C. Supreme Court, Benjamin said.
“It’s a perfect place for law students,” he said.
Benjamin said he has met with the building’s owner and real estate agent to pitch the plan. The building could be bought by a new owner and renovated for substantially less than it would cost USC to build a new school, he said.
Moving it there “would mean giving Main Street a big old shot of adrenalin,” Benjamin said. He compares the potential impact on downtown to what the Savannah College of Art and Design has brought to that city.
Columbia has been supportive of USC, such as building new parking for the Innovista project, Benjamin said. This would be an opportunity for USC to boost the city’s downtown, he said.
USC officials have not responded to the idea, Benjamin said. Some have seen only the obstacles to the plan, he said, but business leaders have seen the possibilities and like them.
COLUMBIA -- The developer planning to build a set of student towers ranging up to 28 stories high near the University of South Carolina campus is looking at other locations, saying that USC and Columbia officials seem hesitant to agree to the $100 million project.
“It’s very frustrating,” said developer Robert Threatt of Charlotte. “We don’t seem to be able to get there.”
USC’s new Innovista executive, Don Herriott, said the university and the city, which jointly control the property, were performing due diligence in asking for details from Threatt that would assure them the major project would go forward.
The plans for the complex were first introduced as part of the agenda for April’s meeting of the city’s Design Development Review Commission, but they were pulled from consideration at that time. The plans sketch out a huge new development looming over Devine Street and filling the block directly across from the entrance to the Greek Village.
The towers could be almost as tall as the Capitol Center building at Assembly and Gervais streets. The top floors in the U-shaped complex would be several hundred apartments for students and others wanting to live in the Vista. The complex also would offer a swimming pool and other recreation areas, along with retail space.
According to Threatt, the city and USC have been asking him to provide so much documentation that it would take nine to 12 months to satisfy them. He already has been working on the project for 15 months, he said, and has designed it three different times to satisfy local concerns, including ensuring it would mesh with the Innovista master plan created by Sasaki Associates of Watertown, Mass.
That’s more design work than his firm ever has done for a parcel of land it did not yet own, Threatt said.
Now, Threatt said, “I’m looking at a lot of different options.” He did not specify whether those options include sites outside the Midlands.
USC and Columbia are just trying to be good custodians of public land before it is turned over to a private developer, Herriott said. The land belongs to the city, but USC holds a long-term lease to use it for parking.
The city, through Columbia Development Corp. executive director Fred Delk, and the university came together to ask Threatt to provide references and documentation of his financial backing for the project, Herriott said.
They also wanted a development agreement, Herriott said, to be sure that Threatt would build something close to what he had proposed.
Threatt said private money is all lined up for the project, sitting in a hedge fund. Some investors are leery about putting their names out in public, Threatt said, but some financial accommodation should be possible.
Threatt said he understands that Columbia and USC have had past frustrations with developers.
Just last week, USC settled with Kale K. Roscoe and R. Timothy Heath, the developers hired to construct a private building for the university’s research campus. The agreement calls for the university’s Research Campus Foundation to pay the developers $890,000 from the Development Foundation.
That said, Threatt believes Columbia should be more welcoming of a project that would add $1.2 million to the city’s annual tax rolls. The complex would be built to platinum-level standards for Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design, he said, and would be one of the most forward-thinking developments in the country.
“Most people would have met me at the airport with a limo,” he said.

"...called DNA walkers—mobile DNA molecules, about 100,000 times smaller than the diameter of a human hair, that have three or more legs made of a string of genetic enzymes. Each leg moves forward based on its chemical attraction to sequences of biochemicals laid down, like stepping stones, in front of it.These robots are so small that the researchers program their actions by encoding commands in the world around them. They follow chemical cues programmed into the ground on which they walk.
Kagan said that examination of the motives of government is the proper approach for the Supreme Court when looking at whether a law violates the First Amendment. While not denying that other concerns, such as the impact of a law, can be taken into account, Kagan argued that governmental motive is "the most important" factor.
In doing so, Kagan constructed a complex framework that can be used by the Court to determine whether or not Congress has restricted First Amendment freedoms with improper intent.
She defined improper intent as prohibiting or restricting speech merely because Congress or a public majority dislikes either the message or the messenger, or because the message or messenger may be harmful to elected officials or their political priorities.
The first part of this framework involves restrictions that appear neutral, such as campaign finance laws, but in practice amount to an unconstitutional restriction. Kagan wrote that the effect of such legislation can be taken as evidence of improper motive because such motives often play a part in bringing the legislation into being.
"The answer to this question involves viewing the Buckley principle [that government cannot balance between competing speakers] as an evidentiary tool designed to aid in the search for improper motive," Kagan wrote. "The Buckley principle emerges not from the view that redistribution of speech opportunities is itself an illegitimate end, but from the view that governmental actions justified as redistributive devices often (though not always) stem partly from hostility or sympathy toward ideas or, even more commonly, from self-interest."
While Kagan does not offer an exhaustive definition of 'harm,' she does offer examples of speech that may be regulated, such as incitement to violence, hate-speech, threatening or "fighting" words.
Kagan says that government is also prohibited from treating two identically harmful speakers differently. To do so, she argues, would be to violate what she views as the principle of equality -- making the unequal restriction unconstitutional.
"But the government may not treat differently two ideas causing identical harms on the ground that thereby conveying the view that one is less worthy, less valuable, less entitled to a hearing than the other," she wrote. "To take such action -- in effect, to violate a norm of ideological equality -- would be to load the restriction of speech with a meaning that transcends the restriction's material consequence."
